The World at the Beginning of the 20th Century

The World at the Beginning of the 20th Century

TOPIC 14 The World in 1900-1914

SECTION V HISTORY OF THE XX - THE BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURIES

Countries of the world by the beginning of the twentieth century. differed not only in their position as metropolises and colonies. The gap between the leading powers and the rest of the world was determined primarily by the level of economic development. In most countries of Western Europe, in North America and Japan, an industrial society has developed. These countries have gone through the industrial revolution. The new technique was not only widely used in industry, but was increasingly used in agriculture, which later led to fundamental changes in this ancient sphere of human activity. In Africa and most of Asia, industrialization has not yet begun.

Political development in the early twentieth century.

The form of government in the early twentieth century. monarchies prevailed. All the states of America were republics, and in Europe they were only France and Switzerland. However, in most states, the power of the monarch was limited by popular representatives (Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, Germany, Japan, etc.). In some countries, the monarch continued to play a significant role in government. Elections were nowhere universal (for example, women were deprived of voting rights). Even in many republics there were despotic regimes.

As a result of the improvement of transport, it has become much easier to transport raw materials and finished products over long distances. This is what pushed the developed countries to new colonial conquests. As a result, a struggle for the redivision of the world unfolded. This course was especially persistently taken by the states that were late to the division of the colonies, but then turned into powerful industrial powers.

In 1898, the United States attacked Spain under the slogan of the liberation of its colonies. As a result, Cuba gained formal independence,

became a de facto possession of the United States. Without any special formalities, they acted with the islands of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. The United States also ceded the Hawaiian Islands and the Panama Canal zone.

Germany in the 19th century seized Southwest and Southeast Africa (Cameroon, Togo), bought the Caroline and Mariana Islands in the Pacific Ocean from Spain. Japan took over Taiwan, sought to establish itself in Korea. But both Germany and Japan considered themselves deprived colonies.

In addition to the Spanish-American War of 1898, the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) are considered the first wars for the redivision of the world. During the Anglo-Boer War, two Boer republics in South Africa (Transvaal and Orange) went to England. As a result of the victory over Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan established itself in Korea and strengthened its position in China.

Problems of modernization.

Many countries faced the problem of modernization - economic, social, political and cultural transformations aimed at forming a society that met the requirements of the era. The states of Western Europe served as a model. However, in the XIX century. the only fairly successful experience of modernization took place in Japan after the Meiji reforms. These reforms paved the way for rapid industrial development, the spread of civil liberties, and education. At the same time, the Japanese did not abandon their traditions, did not destroy their usual way of life.

General History [Civilization. Modern concepts. Facts, events] Dmitrieva Olga Vladimirovna

The formation of blocs and the beginning of the struggle for the redivision of the world

The Franco-Prussian War, which ended with the defeat of France, gave rise to many problems. Bismarck very soon realized that French society would never accept the humiliation suffered and would strive for revenge. Indeed, almost all political forces in France, with the exception of the socialists, were unanimous in their desire to repay Germany for the national catastrophe. Bismarck was forced to hurry, because France was actively working to restore its potential. Unlike in 1870, when France was isolated, now all the great powers watched with great suspicion the actions of the sharply strengthened German Empire. In this situation, Bismarck saw a way out in splitting the camp of the great powers and enlisting the support of one of them, in other words, in creating a stable anti-French alliance in Europe.

The problem was who it would be expedient and realistic to involve in this union. There was no unity in the ruling elite of the German Empire on this issue. Bismarck's eyes first turned to Austria-Hungary. After the military defeat, she was increasingly forced to follow the lead of German policy. His opponents rightly pointed out that the conclusion of the Austro-German alliance could stimulate the Franco-Russian rapprochement and, as a result, Germany would be squeezed into a very dangerous vise.

Bismarck, however, insisted on his own, and in 1879 an alliance treaty was signed between the German Empire and Austria-Hungary. It must be said that Bismarck's opponents were right - Germany did not at all strengthen its position with this treaty: it did not receive any additional guarantees of its security, it took an obviously weaker state as allies, which had a lot of contradictions with its neighbors, increased the level of conflict in relations with Russia and pushed her to rapprochement with France. As a result of this reckless step, tension in Europe increased and the first, but very important step was taken towards its split into opposing blocs.

Italy joined this alliance in 1882, and thus the Triple Alliance became a reality. It was an openly aggressive bloc aimed at destroying the status quo and establishing its hegemony on a global scale. Instead of European unity, the determining trend in the development of the European community was its polarization, the pace of which was steadily increasing.

France also contributed to this process, especially its Minister of War, General Boulanger. His extremely harsh attacks against Germany, calls to avenge her humiliation at any cost, brought him great popularity in France. Representatives of ultranationalists were grouped around him. The movement he led quickly gained momentum, turning into a serious political force in France. They even began to read him into dictators. The peak of his movement falls on 1889, when France really was on the verge of a coup d'état. However, this attempt failed. Boulanger fled abroad, where he soon committed suicide.

Bismarck closely followed the developments in France. Boulanger's extremist attacks were to his advantage: they allowed him to assert that Germany was building up its military efforts solely for defensive purposes in order to protect itself from the "warlike Gauls." In Germany, a new military law was passed, increasing appropriations for the army and navy. At the same time, Bismarck was afraid of the possibility of a war on two fronts - against France and Russia at the same time. In the mid-1980s, he came to the conclusion that it was necessary to balance his policy towards Russia in order to prevent a Franco-Russian rapprochement.

In the summer of 1887, the Austro-Russian-German treaty of neutrality expired. Russia, which had accumulated a lot of claims against Austria-Hungary, refused to revive it in its previous form. Then Bismarck offered Russia to conclude the so-called "reinsurance contract". However, the emerging attempt of Russian-German rapprochement, which could radically change the whole situation in Europe, did not develop. Bismarck decided too late to correct Germany's foreign policy: by that time, many contradictions had already accumulated in Russian-German relations, which prevented the rapprochement of these two sides.

There are three main knots of contradictions in Russian-German relations of that period. The interests of the two countries came into serious conflict in Bulgaria. Russian diplomacy believed that Bulgaria, which had arisen with the direct support of Russia, would become, together with Serbia, its stronghold in the Balkans. However, Germany also sought to penetrate Bulgaria. The Balkans occupied an increasing place in its foreign policy plans, and that is why German diplomacy made active attempts to create centers of its influence in this region. In 1887, with the support of Berlin, Prince Ferdinand of Coburg was elevated to the Bulgarian throne. From that moment on, Bulgaria's foreign policy orientation began to change rapidly. In essence, Russia has lost many of its positions in the Balkans, and its ability to influence the situation there has been noticeably reduced. It is clear that all this caused serious irritation in the ruling elite of Russia and did not contribute to the strengthening of Russian-German contacts.

Secondly, Russia at that time was in dire need of loans for the construction of railways, the development of new industrial regions (such as Donbass, Southern Ukraine), and the modernization of old ones. However, it was not possible to agree with German banks on the provision of large loans, since at the same time the extremely capacious domestic market of Germany required constant and massive financial injections, promised high returns and worked to increase the total power of the Fatherland. Naturally, in the conditions of the nationalist euphoria that German society was experiencing at that time, lending to Russia to the detriment of the development of the German domestic market was out of the question. On the other hand, the financial empire of the Rothschilds and other large banks of France and Belgium immediately responded to Russia's need for loans, and it was from that moment that a solid economic foundation was laid for the emerging Franco-Russian rapprochement.

Thirdly, since the end of the 1970s, the Russian-German conflict around the problem of customs duties has escalated. And here the interests of certain social groups (junkers, Russian landowners - exporters of agricultural products) outweighed the state interests and prevented them from finding a solution to the problem that suited both sides. As a result, in Russian-German relations, not only were there no shifts for the better, but, on the contrary, there was an accumulation of conflict potential.

Wilhelm I died in 1888, and after a very short tenure of Frederick II, Wilhelm II became German Emperor. Almost immediately, he had serious disagreements with Bismarck, who for many years had almost uncontrolled leadership of Germany's foreign and domestic policy. The conflict ended in 1890 with the resignation of Bismarck. Wilhelm II sought to keep the reins of state affairs in his own hands. He looked at many questions of political life differently than Bismarck, including what imperatives Germany should be guided by in the international arena. Wilhelm II was a zealous supporter of active colonial expansion. He believed that the future of Germany depended on how strong its position in Africa, the Pacific and the Middle East would be. The warnings of the "old guard" of German diplomats that excessively hasty and ill-conceived actions in resolving these issues could lead to serious complications did not frighten the new emperor. Realizing that the successful construction of a colonial empire is impossible without a powerful fleet, Wilhelm II fully supported the supporters of the then popular concept of sea power in many countries, who argued that the greatness and prosperity of any state directly depends on the level of this indicator. From the propaganda of ideas, Germany quickly moved on to practical actions to create a powerful navy capable of competing on equal terms with the British. In 1895, a decision was made to build the Kiel Canal, with the commissioning of which the entire strategic situation in northwestern Europe changed dramatically. At the same time, intensive construction of the navy began, and the army elite made no secret of the fact that they see their task in the speedy achievement of parity with the British Navy.

It is not surprising that in England every day more and more warily followed the actions of Germany. Wariness quickly gave way to hostility and rising tensions in Anglo-German relations. It is becoming more and more difficult to carry on a dialogue in such an environment. So, for example, when in 1898 the Germans proposed to England to agree on the division of the Portuguese colonies in Africa, London did just the opposite: it signed an agreement with Portugal that it undertakes to guarantee the integrity and inviolability of the Portuguese colonial empire. In turn, in Germany, this step was perceived unambiguously - it is impossible to agree on anything with England.

In the 90s of the 19th century, new ones were knocking on the doors of the "club of great powers" more and more insistently, and this time it was no longer European states - the USA and Japan. In the United States, after the completion of the period of Reconstruction in 1877, a long and extremely intensive economic recovery began. The country has made a powerful breakthrough and has reached the forefront in many respects. Until the last decade of the 19th century, the main focus of the American establishment was on the development of the domestic market. However, by the 1990s, the largest corporations and banks were already crowded within the American territory proper, and their eyes began to turn more and more often outside the country. The new conditions demanded an intensification of US foreign policy, and it is no coincidence that since the late 1980s, various kinds of theories have become widespread in the country, substantiating the need and expediency of foreign expansion. This is Turner's "moving frontier" theory, and Mahan's "sea power" doctrine, and the concept of "overcoming fate" and much more. They created a certain moral climate in the country, accustomed public opinion to the fact that the United States is simply obliged to actively intervene in international affairs and take a place in the world community corresponding to its economic potential.

The focus of the United States was Latin America. In 1889, on the initiative of the United States, the First Pan-American Congress was held, in which the United States and all countries of Latin America, except for the Dominican Republic, participated. The USA tried to use this forum to strengthen its influence in this region, to obtain from its neighbors more favorable conditions for the access of American capital there. Already at that time, American politicians attached great importance to economic expansion. In 1895, the United States intervened in the Venezuelan-British border dispute and declared its claim to be the supreme arbiter of all contentious issues in the New World. They frankly sought to oust the European powers from Latin America.

In the same years, Japan sharply stepped up its activities in the Far East. The subject of her attention was Korea, Taiwan, mainland China, primarily Manchuria. It was Japan that launched the struggle of the great powers for the division of China. In 1894, she attacked China and quickly won the war, defeating the poorly organized and poorly armed Chinese army. Having achieved a complete and unconditional victory, the "Land of the Rising Sun" was able to dictate its terms of peace to China. Japan received Taiwan and the Liaodong Peninsula. Korea, which was in vassal dependence on China, became formally legally independent, but in fact fell into the sphere of influence of Japan. And finally, China was obliged to pay Japan a substantial indemnity.

The sudden strengthening of Japan's position in the Far East, unexpected for the Europeans, seriously alarmed the old great powers. Russia, France and Germany, which had their own interests in this region, decided to jointly cool the ardor of Japan. They demanded that she give up part of her claims to China. Under their pressure, Japan was forced to yield: the Liaodong Peninsula was returned to China. For this "help" China had to pay a heavy price. Germany received the port of Qingdao, which turned into its stronghold in the struggle for influence in the Far East. Russia secured a foothold in Port Arthur, and then entered into an agreement with the Chinese government to lease the Liaodong Peninsula and obtain a concession for the construction and operation of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Japan yielded in this clash, but did not abandon its plans, and another knot of contradictions began in the Far East.

With all the drama of the collisions that unfolded at the end of the century in various parts of the world, the center of world politics still remained in Europe. And there, the ever-increasing aggressiveness of Germany inspired more and more fears in its neighbors. Since the second half of the 1880s, a Franco-Russian rapprochement has been quite clearly outlined, which culminated in the signing at the very end of 1893 of a bilateral union treaty, which provided for joint actions in the event of an attack on any of its participants. The anti-German orientation of the new treaty was obvious. Thus, in Europe, the first step was taken towards the constitution of a new military-political bloc, designed to become a counterbalance to the Triple Alliance. As a result, the division of the continent deepened even more, and the likelihood of a pan-European military conflict increased.

The world at the beginning of the 20th century

LECTURE #1

The world at the beginning of the 20th century

By the beginning of the XX century. the gap between the leading powers and the rest of the world was determined primarily by the level of economic development.

In most countries of Western Europe, in North America and Japan, the process of modernization of economic, social, political and cultural transformations aimed at forming a society that met the requirements of the era was completed. They developed an industrial society.

In addition to industry, new technology was increasingly used in agriculture, which led to fundamental changes in this ancient field of human activity. Technological advances have changed the way people live. However, in countries where the modernization was not completed, the changes were no less noticeable. In Africa and much of Asia, modernization has not yet begun.

The form of government at the beginning of the 20th century monarchies prevailed. All the states of America were republics, and in Europe only France and Switzerland. Nevertheless, in most states, the power of the monarch was limited by parliament (Great Britain, Austria-Hungary, Germany, Japan, etc.). In some countries, the monarch continued to play an important role in government. Elections were nowhere universal (women and the poor were deprived of voting rights everywhere). Even in many republics there were despotic regimes.

As a result of the improvement of transport, it has become much easier to transport raw materials and finished products over long distances. This pushed the developed countries to new colonial conquests. As a result, a struggle for the redivision of the world unfolded. This course was especially persistently pursued by the states that were late to the division of the colonies, but then turned into powerful industrial powers.

In 1898, the United States attacked Spain under the slogan of the liberation of its colonies. The consequence of this was the formal independence of Cuba, which actually became the possession of the United States. The United States colonized the Philippines, the islands of Puerto Rico, Guam. The United States also ceded the Hawaiian Islands and the Panama Canal zone.

Germany at the end of the 19th century seized Southwest and Southeast Africa (Cameroon, Togo), bought the Caroline and Mariana Islands in the Pacific Ocean from Spain. Japan took over Taiwan, sought to establish itself in Korea. But both Germany and Japan considered themselves deprived colonies.

In addition to the Spanish-American War of 1898, the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 are considered wars for the redivision of the world. and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905.

During the Anglo-Boer War, two Boer republics in South Africa (Transvaal and Orange) went to Great Britain. As a result of the victory in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan established itself in Korea and strengthened its position in China.

By the beginning of the 20th century, the entire territory of the globe, through a system of direct or indirect dependence, came under the control of the leading powers. There were no longer “ownerless” lands on it, which meant that the process of the territorial division of the world was completed and the question of redistribution of the already divided world was on the agenda.

Reasons for high economic growth

1) the presence in the country of huge, rich natural resources - a lot of minerals, the presence of fertile soils, forest and water resources;

2) a high level of local capital accumulation and a large inflow of capital from abroad;

3) urban population growth

a) natural growth;

b) internal migration - young people were drawn to cities; Negroes too;

c) immigration;

4) the accumulation of the most energetic workforce - the colonists who left the European countries, for the most part, were energetic, hardworking, purposeful people; often they had considerable qualifications;

5) the US industry was well protected from the competition of imported goods by high protective duties;

6) exported goods to Latin America, where there were almost no European competitors.

Germany

Germany by the beginning of the twentieth century becomes the most powerful power after the United States. She has the 2nd largest merchant and navy. And 2nd place in the world in steel smelting.

Reasons for rapid economic growth:

1) Unification of a previously fragmented country (internal customs duties have been eliminated, a single currency and a single postal system have been introduced);

2) 5 mln/th indemnity from France defeated in the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871). The Germans took it in gold, which went into their economy;

3) Rich reserves of iron ore in Lorraine;

4) Large state orders: a) military (army rearmament policy), b) railway construction;

5) Industrialization was carried out by joint-stock banks, which financed their industry;

6) Time factor. Rapid introduction of scientific achievements of production into the economy.

Germany belatedly entered the stage of completion of the industrial revolution, but it managed to extract a number of important advantages from this. She widely borrowed the technical and technological experience of advanced industrial countries, practiced the purchase of machines, patents, industrial espionage;

7) Availability of skilled labor force. It arose as a result of the mass ruin of artisans, and not peasants, as we have in Russia;

8) Abundant labor resources that arose as a result of the population explosion at the turn of the century;

9) discipline, diligence, respect for any profession, frugality in everything and everywhere

Features of the economic development of Germany

2) the rapid growth of the military industry and the arms race;

3) high concentration of capital;

4) a high degree of exploitation of workers;

5) social tension;

6) aggravation of the political situation

7) the big role of banks, which had a super-monopoly and received super-profits;

8) Germany occupied almost the last place in the number of colonies in the world colonial system;

9) Agriculture was dominated by large landed estates

10) the policy of Germanization of Polish lands.

England

By the end of the 19th century, the industry of England lost its pace of development and ended up in world production in 3rd place after the USA and Germany.

Reasons for the backwardness of the economy:

1) "Boomerang effect" - the law of economic development for which the principle applies: "The sooner you sit down, the sooner you leave" - ​​a sharp industrial start causes rapid obsolescence of the industry;

There was a stagnation in technology. The factory industry worked on obsolete equipment. The modernization of technology was slow, because it was very complex and expensive.

2) The main British capital was invested in the operation of the colonies, in financial activities and foreign trade;

3) Features of the English mentality - money is given in order to live (for Americans - money for the sake of money);

The ideal of an Englishman - to get rich and go live like a gentleman - this contributed to the withdrawal of funds from production and the departure of personnel from entrepreneurship and management;

4) Large unproductive expenses or craving for luxury (1/4 of the population was employed in the service sector).

Although England lost its industrial superiority, it still remained one of the richest countries in the world

1) huge capitals were exported from the colonies

2) profit of the merchant fleet for freight (up to 90% of world traffic)

3) pound sterling - an international unit of currency

4) London is the world's banking center

5) trade know-how, sold patents

Features of economic development:

1) Low concentration of production

2) High concentration of banking capital

France

I. France remained an agro-industrial country; availability of highly profitable agriculture;

II. The economy developed slowly, but the state was not weak (4th place in the world);

III. Low concentration of production;

IV. The main industry is light (France is the center of fashion).

Reasons for slow development:

1) the loss of Alsace and Lorraine (coal and ore);

2) the policy of economic Malthusianism - to sell one product at a triple price in order to get a high profit and buy three cheap products;

3) the presence of a small peasant economy, which kept a large number of workers in the village; low inflow to the city - hindered the development of industry;

4) the usurious nature of French capitalism - unlike the English, French financiers exported their capital not so much to the colonies as to the less developed countries of Europe. They not only invested in local industries, but mainly provided loans to both individuals and governments at high interest rates. Why invest in industry when you can do well on the interest on the loan.

The advent of the era of imperialism was accompanied by a change in the correlation of forces of the great powers on the world stage, which found expression in the struggle for the redistribution of the already divided world. One of the initiators of this struggle in the last years of the XIX - early XX century.

German imperialism stepped up. Therefore, one of the leading places in world politics has been occupied since that time by Anglo-German antagonism. He covered a wide range of issues. Anglo-German interests clashed in the Balkans and the Middle East, Africa and Asia. So, for example, Germany, which remained until the end of the XIX century. essentially a land power, at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. decides to build a large navy. Beginning in 1898, the German Reichstag adopted a number of laws that outlined a program for the accelerated construction of powerful military ships. According to the law of 1900, the German fleet must consist of 32 battleships, 11 heavy and 34 light cruisers and about 100 destroyers, not counting a significant number of other types of naval warships. Relying on the growing navy and the growing economic power of the state, the German monopolies began an active struggle for the redivision of the world. One of the forms of the imperialist expansionist policy was the so-called "peaceful penetration". The first step in this direction was the implementation of the project for the construction of the Baghdad railway from Constantinople through Baghdad to the Persian Gulf. It is characteristic that Georg von Siemens, director of the German Bank, became the head of the Anatolian Railway Society. In October 1898, Kaiser Wilhelm II traveled to the East. Wilhelm II was accompanied by Siemens and other representatives of the German financial oligarchy. expansion of the German monopolies and banks.As a result, the construction of the railway line Constantinople-Baghdad was carried out by forced methods.The second most important direction of the aggressive foreign policy of German imperialism was Germany's participation in the division of China.Together with other imperialist powers, primarily with the United States of America, Germany acted as the initiator of sending the expeditionary corps of the European powers and the USA to China to suppress the popular uprising.Seeing off the German expeditionary corps to China, which departed from Bremerhaven on July 27, 1900. Wilhelm II urged the soldiers not to take prisoners, ruthlessly It is stubborn to destroy the Chinese and behave like the Huns did a thousand years ago. This speech of the Kaiser, like a number of others, was called the "Hun speeches", in which the expansionist imperialist ideology and policy of the German Empire was formulated in an open form. German imperialism, however, was not satisfied with "peaceful penetration". He clearly realized that "peaceful means" alone would not be enough, especially since he considered himself deprived. Germany began colonial conquests only in the mid-1980s. Over the past quarter of a century, it has captured colonial possessions with a total area of ​​​​almost 3 million square meters. km with a population of over 12 million people. These seizures did not satisfy the greedy appetites of the German monopolies and finance capital. Therefore, the government of Wilhelm II undertook in the early 900s. a number of international actions, the purpose of which was an attempt in a provocative way to subjugate the territories already occupied by other states. This concerned primarily two conflicts, in 1905 and 1911. in connection with the crisis around Morocco, which led to a pan-European crisis and almost became a pretext for a European war. During the first decade of the 20th century two gigantic military-political groupings are finally taking shape - the Entente and the Triple Alliance. The latter was headed by imperialist Germany, which took the course of preparing for a world war.

In the 1990s, the US government began to intensify its policy in the Pacific and the Caribbean. In 1893, the Hawaiian Islands were occupied. In April 1898, the United States went to war against Spain in order to acquire Spanish colonies. In 1895, an uprising broke out in Cuba against Spanish rule. Cuba has always been of great strategic importance on the approaches to the Isthmus of Panama and the Gulf of Mexico, which washes the southern coast of the United States. Back in 1849, the US government offered Spain to sell Cuba to him for $100 million. Now the United States decided to take advantage of the uprising to start a war against Spain.

Agitation began in the United States against Spanish cruelties and crimes. In the spring of 1898, the US government secretly sent a senator to Cuba with instructions to get acquainted with the situation on the island. On his return in March 1898, he gave a lengthy speech to the Senate; in it, he exposed the atrocities of the Spanish authorities, as well as the poverty and hunger of the Cuban population. The speech ended with a call to declare war on Spain. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee began to study the issue of damage suffered by American citizens during the unrest in Cuba.

Then came an explosion on the American cruiser Maine, which was on the roadstead in Havana. The United States attributed the explosion to the Spaniards and rejected Spain's proposed investigation and referral of the case to arbitration. On April 6, at the request of Spain, the intervention of the great European powers in the Spanish-American conflict followed. However, it took the form of a completely innocent collective note delivered by the ambassadors of the powers in Washington. The Powers urged "the President and the people of the United States" to be guided in their relations with Spain by "feelings of humanity and moderation."

The US government's response was not without humor. He said that the United States appreciated the friendly nature of the appeal of the European powers, that they would act guided precisely by the principles of "humanity", and that in the name of it they would try to quickly put an end to the situation that had arisen in Cuba ...

The US government knew very well that Europe did not want the strengthening of the United States. But it also knew that with the mutual rivalry of the European powers, they would not agree on joint intervention, and none of them would dare to act separately for fear of pushing the United States to rapprochement with any of its rivals. And the US was calm. President McKinley presented Spain with new demands in addition to those previously accepted by her - a common diplomatic trick used when they want to provoke a conflict by all means. Now the US demanded the evacuation of Cuba. This, of course, Spanish diplomacy could not accept. War became inevitable. On April 21, diplomatic relations between Spain and the United States were broken, and then first (on the 23rd) the Spanish government, then "(on the 25th) the US Congress declared a state of war. None of the European powers intervened in favor of Spain.

The US won a quick victory, defeating the Spanish army and navy. On December 10, 1898, the Spanish-American peace was signed in Paris. Spain refused Cuba, and soon the island was declared "independent". In fact, he fell under the protectorate of the United States. Porto Rico, Guam and the Philippines, according to the peace treaty, passed to the United States. As already noted, Germany also claimed the Philippines. However, German imperialism had to settle for less. The German government achieved only that Spain sold it the islands located in the Pacific Ocean, which still remained in its possession - the Caroline, Mariana and Palau.

The Spanish-American War was a kind of milestone in world politics. Until now, there has been a division of territories that have not yet been captured by any of the European states. Now the United States was acquiring the colonies that belonged to Spain. The Spanish-American War was the first war not for division, but for the redivision of the world.

Less than a year has passed since hostilities ceased in the Western Hemisphere, and a new war has already broken out - this time in South Africa.

As a pretext for war, British diplomacy chose the situation of the so-called Uitlanders. This was the name given to foreigners, mostly British, who flooded the Transvaal after the discovery of gold placers in the Witwatersrand. The Boer government denied these profit-seekers full political rights. It was from this question that British diplomacy decided to create a casus belli.

British diplomacy conducted negotiations with the Boer governments in such a way that its purpose was quite obvious: it clearly sought to bring matters to a rupture. At the same time, she needed time to accustom public opinion in England to the idea of ​​the inevitability of war. As soon as the Boers accepted certain demands of British diplomacy, the British immediately presented new ones. Their direct calculation was not to let the conflict die down. Knowing that England's military preparations were not yet complete, both Boer governments decided that the British should not be allowed to buy time. On October 11, 1899, the Boers declared war on England. British troops, after a stubborn struggle, occupied both capitals of the Boer republics - Pretoria and Bloemfontein. But soon the British had to make sure that the enemy's resistance was still far from broken. The Boers started a guerrilla war. The British turned out to be the masters only of those points where their military units were stationed. A hostile country stretched around, which was teeming with partisan detachments. They constantly threatened English communications and did not allow the British to move any distance from the location of their units. Since England, having a huge fleet, had an insignificant army, it turned out to be very difficult to cope with the Boer partisans. Up to 250 thousand people had to be transferred to South Africa. It took 31 months of stubborn struggle, until, finally, on May 31, 1902, peace was signed. The Boers were forced to renounce their independence and recognize themselves as subjects of the British crown. However, they managed to pronounce internal autonomy for themselves.

Military failures dealt a severe blow to the military, and at the same time, to the international political prestige of England. The Anglo-Boer War began at the moment of the next aggravation of both Anglo-Russian and Anglo-French relations. In France, anti-English propaganda reached its peak after Fashoda: part of the press was already proclaiming the slogans "Nile for the Rhine", "Pyramids for Strasbourg Cathedral". The British government feared that France and Russia would take advantage of the difficulties created for England by the Boer War.

In order to paralyze the possibility of interference by the powers of the continent in Anglo-Boer relations, the British government continued negotiations on an alliance with Germany. It was necessary at all costs to prevent the possibility of collusion between the two continental groupings. Without confidence in the benevolent attitude of Germany, neither Russia, nor even France, would have decided on an open conflict with England.

Wilhelm and his government realized that England needed German friendship. They tried not to miss the favorable moment. The agreement on the division of the Portuguese colonies did not satisfy them; in fact, it contained only promises for the future. The Germans wanted to extract more tangible colonial benefits from England's predicaments.

The unrest that began in 1898 on the islands of Samoa gave German diplomacy a reason to raise the issue of dividing this archipelago. Since 1889, a condominium of three powers - Germany, England and the USA - was established over the Samoa Islands. Now the German government decided to get the archipelago, or at least part of it, into its full possession: it expected to create a naval base there for its fleet in Pacific waters. The British government was very reluctant to give Samoa to Germany. The German proposal to partition the archipelago met with opposition from Australia and New Zealand. British diplomacy tried in every possible way to mobilize the United States to counter the German plans.

Suddenly, German diplomacy was able to use for its own purposes the behind-the-scenes connections of one of the most influential capitalists in England.

In the spring of 1899, Cecil Rode came to Europe to work on the implementation of a project with which he had been rushing for several years. It was about the construction of railway and telegraph lines from Cap to Cairo. In fact, a railroad from Bulawayo and Rhodesia to the connection with the Egyptian railway network had to be laid, for the road from Cap to Bulawayo had already been built. Rode sought from the British government a state guarantee of the bonds of this road. However, despite all his connections, he did not receive such a guarantee. The construction of a telegraph line was a simpler undertaking, but there were difficulties in this matter. Like the projected railway, the telegraph line was partly to pass through foreign territory - either through the Belgian Congo or through German East Africa. Rode went to Brussels, but he failed to negotiate with King Leopold.

Then the German government invited Rhodes to Berlin. Here he met with the Kaiser. Rhodes was given consent to conduct a telegraph through German territory; the Germans did not refuse to negotiate for the railway, when Rhodes had the opportunity to start this business. For his part, Rode promised to work in London about ceding Samoa to the Germans. Rode kept his promise. However, he failed to sway either Chamberlain or Salisbury, although Germany secured the consent of the United States.

Negotiations between London and Berlin took a sharp turn. The Germans threatened either a Russian-German or a Franco-German rapprochement. The British became aware that Bulow was ready to break off diplomatic relations. Wilhelm defiantly refused an already announced visit to England for a boat race in Cowes.

In the end, given the embarrassment of the Boer War, Salisbury decided to give in. On November 14, 1899, an agreement was signed under which Germany received two islands from the Samoa archipelago; the other two islands of this archipelago were transferred to the United States. England renounced all claims to Samoa; for this, she acquired the islands of Tonga, part of the Solomon Islands and a small disputed territory on the border of the Anglo-German possessions in Togo, in Africa.

The conflict over Samoa was extremely irritating on both sides. In Germany, both the government and the press were furious at the British unwillingness to give up even a little on their colonial monopoly. England was indignant at the persistence of German encroachments on this monopoly. "German policy is open blackmail," Chamberlain wrote to Salisbury in September 1899.

One way or another, another conflict was settled. In November 1899 Wilhelm, accompanied by Bülow, finally arrived at Windsor; the Kaiser was already late for the competitions in Kouse.

Chamberlain again spoke to the Germans about an alliance. In exchange for a military alliance against Russia, which would force her to suspend expansion in the Far East, Chamberlain offered Germany part of Morocco and support in the construction of the Baghdad road. As in 1898, the Kaiser and Bülow replied that they could not quarrel with Russia. For their part, they proposed to expand the agreements on colonial problems, which began with the treaties on the Portuguese possessions and on the islands of Samoa. Again, nothing came of the negotiations for an alliance.

Be that as it may, Germany remained neutral during the Boer War. But German diplomacy, following its policy of arson, incited other powers to oppose England. These suggestions have paid off.

Already at the end of February 1900, the Russian Foreign Minister Muravyov sounded out the French government about the possibility of a joint action against England. Delcasse agreed, but on the condition that Russia would come to an agreement with Germany. Without confidence in the security of its eastern border, France did not dare to enter into conflict with the "mistress of the seas." However, Delcasset gave his consent reluctantly: he went to Muravyov's proposal only in order not to weaken the Franco-Russian alliance. Be that as it may, disturbing rumors spread in England about the possibility of a French invasion of the British Isles.

After negotiations with Delcasse, Muravyov turned to Berlin. Here he was told that Germany could take part in the anti-English coalition only if France, Germany and Russia mutually guarantee each other their possessions, in other words, if France renounces its claims to Alsace and Lorraine. Muravyov objected that the French government, having taken such a step, would not last even one day in office.

German diplomacy hastened to extract its profit from negotiations with Muravyov. Wilhelm II decided to use this opportunity to further complicate Anglo-Russian relations. He began to brag to the British that no one else like him had saved England from the formation of a hostile coalition. The Kaiser informed the Queen and the Prince of Wales about Muravyov's proposal. But Russian diplomacy did not doze off either: it, in turn, informed the British that the Germans themselves had offered Russia intervention in favor of the Boers, but that Russia had evaded this.

The intervention of the European powers in the Anglo-Boer War did not take place. Alsace-Lorraine outweighed all colonial problems: the continental bloc proved unworkable.

However, England's rivals still managed to take advantage of the predicament of British imperialism. The tsarist government achieved new successes in Central Asia. On February 6, 1900, the Russian government informed the British cabinet that the needs of trade and territorial proximity to Afghanistan did not allow Russia to further refrain from direct political relations with this country. Previously, Russian troops were concentrated on the Afghan border. The Anglo-Indian army was weakened by the dispatch of many units to South Africa. The situation was such that England had to swallow the pill. Soon, relying on Russia, the new emir, Khabibula, who ascended the throne in 1901, defiantly refused the British subsidy. In Persia, where there was also an Anglo-Russian struggle for influence, Russian diplomacy also achieved significant success. In January 1900, Russia provided Persia with a loan, which was secured by customs duties in the northern part of the country.